Daily Targum (Rutgers University), March 11, 2014
By Sabrina Szteinbaum / Associate News Editor

America’s dirty little secret is environmental injustice, said Ana Baptista, director of environmental and planning programs for the Ironbound Community Corporation.
Baptista gave the keynote address at yesterday’s Environmental Justice, Advocacy and the Media conference, hosted by The Citizens Campaign at Alexander Library on the College Avenue campus.
Heather Taylor, senior director of Communications and Public Affairs for The Citizens Campaign, said the organization is nonprofit and nonpartisan and aims to empower everyday people to change the political climate.
Taylor, a Rutgers alumna, believes people often have the misconception that citizens cannot make a difference or think the problem is too big for an individual to solve.
“Citizens have the power to improve their environment, they just need to the right tools and knowledge,” she said.
Baptista, who grew up in the Ironbound neighborhood of Newark, said low-income communities like Newark, Camden and Trenton have fallen victim to environmental injustice.
Those areas have disproportionately high amounts of pollution for many reasons, including the concentration of refineries and chemical companies in their communities.
“We make believe those places don’t exist so we don’t have to confront what those places tell us about the issues with our society,” she said.
It is shameful how a zip code can determine how long its residents live, Baptista said.
Part of the reason for this relates to America’s housing discrimination history and how public housing was built in this country.
Until recent years, a person’s race determined where they could purchase a house, raise children and send their children to schools.
It took 200 years of state action to develop these racialized communities, so it will not be easy to recognize those patterns and undo these actions to get to the heart of environmental justice, she said.
Citizens and communities must align themselves together to encourage the formation of citizen advisory groups as well as work to devise and push innovative legislation to encourage environmental justice.
“Places like Newark do not exist without places like Short Hills,” Baptista said.
The New Jersey Environmental Protection Agency has decided to invite community, non-profit and industry stakeholders to settle their differences and come up with a set of recommendations to improve environmental laws.
This process involved monthly, full-day meetings in Trenton, N.J. Usually only one or two community group representatives volunteer their time to attend the meetings, as opposed to five or six industry members who are hired to attend.
Additionally, Baptista explained that different levels of access to information and resources lead to a further power imbalance.
While the EPA is making an effort, it has created a process that looks fair at face value, but is not truly democratic.
Taylor emphasized the importance of media coverage in environmental injustice, and she said citizens could take part in their communities as community legislators, leaders and journalists.
Knowledge is power — someone needs to tell the story in an accurate and thorough fashion, and citizen journalists can frame the environmental issues in the larger context of their implications.
In a panel, Nicky Sheats, director of the Center for the Urban Environment at Thomas Edison State College, spoke about fine particulate matter in air pollution.
He said some airborne particles are small enough to penetrate deep into a person’s lungs and kill them.
These fine PM air particles cause 200,000 premature deaths every year. They are emitted from smokestacks and the diesel engines in trucks and buses.
Sheats noted these particulates are found in disproportionately high amounts in low-income black communities.
Andrew Kricun, executive director and chief engineer of the Camden County Municipal Utilities Authority, talked about wastewater management and discussed how the Camden County Municipal Utilities Authority has worked to improve the wastewater treatment plant in one of the nation’s poorest cities.
The plant, which serves 500,000 residents, lies just 100 yards from a residential neighborhood. For many years, the plant emitted a disturbing odor to the nearby community.
The CCMUA installed more than $50 million of new odor control systems and instituted a zero-tolerance policy with respect to odors.
The organization also formed Camden Stormwater Management and Resource Training, or Camden SMART, to reduce flooding in the city, because with every rainfall, sewage backs up into Camden’s streets and parks.
Robert Spiegel, executive director of the Edison Wetlands Association, said environmental justice is not just an idea, but also a 20-year-old Executive Order.
Former President Bill Clinton signed the order because he recognized environmental justice for low-income communities was falling short of the ideals of freedom and equity held by the founding fathers.
“Everyone should breathe clean air, drink clean water,” he said.
He discussed the communities of Ringwood and Long Branch, both of which are designated as environmental justice communities.
The citizens of Long Branch worked together and collaborate with the Edison Wetlands Association to deal with environmental issues, and received $200,000 in resources to address them.
Taylor said the conference brought together passionate activists trying to shine a spotlight on the environmental challenges that face the nation’s towns and cities.
“We hope participants will learn how to effectively educate the public and elected officials about the environmental challenges our cities and towns face as well as how to advance constructive solutions,” she said.

Community members talk about how the criminal justice system contributes to Minnesota’s worst-in-the-nation racial jobs gap.
Photo Credit: TakeAction MN
Alternet, March 8, 2014
By Alyssa Figueroa
Growing up on the east side of St. Paul, Minnesota, Renee Zschokke was surrounded by racism, but didn’t even know it. Her crime-ridden neighborhood, enveloped in violence she fell victim to for a period of time, sparked a desire in her to pursue a career in criminal justice, in order to “lock up the bad guys.”
“I just wanted my communities to be safe,” she said.
But throughout her time in college and her job afterward as a state county employment counselor, Zschokke realized that crime isn’t so simple.
“If people aren’t granted housing and jobs, they just go back to doing what they have to do to survive,” she said. “It’s not as simple as coming down to the individual.”
As a counselor with limited resources for her clients, who are mostly black men, Zschokke said she wanted to do something to fight what she saw as structural racism. She realized that explicitly talking about race might be the missing key needed to resist these systematic barriers.
Talking openly about race has never been an easy way to organize for change, but Zschokke found an organization, TakeAction Minnesota, which is trying to do just that.
Bringing Race Into The Open
TakeAction MN is an affiliate of National People’s Action (NPA), a network of social justice groups that has been bringing a racial justice lens to their work since 2010. NPA established a structural racism program four years ago to help it deal explicitly with race and racial justice in its campaigns. NPA’s long-term agenda, its new organizing strategy created in 2012, clarifies the relationship between racial and economic justice, and seeks to create an economy that works for everyone. This means directly addressing all the structural blocks that divide the people.
“Community organizing has that history of ignoring things that are thought to be divisive or thought to wage differences in the base of people that we’re organizing,” said Bree Carlson, NPA’s structural racism program director. “So organizers tend to look for what is the common denominator and focus on that and try to minimize anything that could make their base break apart. So that has been pretty race-adverse — which is not to say that community organizing leaders don’t care about racism. It’s just harder to organize around something where people are going to feel wildly different about it. But the fact is, no matter how much that seems like a good idea in the short-term, it’s always going to haunt you in the long-term.”
For Zschokke, what this looks like with TakeAction MN is lots of one-to-one training focusing on how members or potential members’ stories interconnect.
“It’s so easy to think you’re not connected to community,” she said. “Basically what this comes down to is, this is my community. I may not be a person of color, but these are my friends, these are my neighbors.”
Over in Maine, another NPA affiliate called Maine People’s Alliance also focuses on how everyone is connected to racism, and also how racism intersects various other issues. Ben Chin, policy engagement director for Maine People’s Alliance, recounted one popular exercise where groups of members representing different issues each had a ball of yarn. They would toss the yarn to another group and explain how they were connected. When one group representing immigration tossed the yarn to another who represent toxic chemicals in consumer products, the group explained that people of color disproportionately have to buy products that cause cancer.
Chin said these exercises and discussions around race used to be bumpier than they are now.
“We did a lot of that hard work in the beginning,” Chin said. “And once that culture is set up, you don’t have to have as many of the stay-until-midnight, people-are-in-tears kind of conversations.”
Still, he added:
Every now and then you have people saying problematic things. The problems we run into now are your standard white well-meaning folks will kind of just say things that really make you cringe. And it’s not because they think they are doing a bad thing. Sometimes they think they are actually doing a really good, racially just thing, but the way that they’re talking is problematic. Usually what we try to do is say something in the moment so that everyone gets that that’s not how we think about things. And then we’ll try to talk afterward to folks and work it out.
When pressed for specific examples, Chin said he wished to respect members’ privacy. But he did say sometimes talking openly about divisive topics means losing members. Chin said these have been really tough moments for Maine People’s Alliance.
“There are some very real ways working-class folks have been pitted against each other because of race — we lost members by taking clear stances on this,” he said. “And at the time, it was really tough for all of us to see members go.… But I think what we found was we did fine without those members and we actually, also, were able to attract new members and a new staff that were very excited about the racial justice work we were doing.”
Helping Multiracial Organizations Evolve
Attracting new members and staff of color are two other goals of NPA. To create a multi-racial organization, Chin said, it’s important to invest in different pipelines for organizers. Traditionally, he said, leaders often rise from good performance as canvassers.
“But if you’re a young black man going out in Maine knocking on doors, it is just harder to fundraise,” Chin said. “If that’s our only pipeline for organizers, it’s just not going to work.”
They created a racial justice internship program as one way to open up these pipelines.
For TakeAction MN, building a diverse organization meant building a distinctive program — the Justice 4 All program — designed to tackle criminal justice reform and narrow the racial jobs gap. Perhaps its biggest success (which Zschokke helped organize) was the Ban the Box campaign, which banned the criminal history question on all employment applications throughout the state and led Target to do the same on its applications nationwide.
Justice 4 All program manager Justin Terrell said that while trying to appeal to people of color in a largely white organization, it’s important to create transformative relationships with groups led by communities of color. This will attract new members of color, so those fighting for justice are the ones affected by the injustices. “It doesn’t mean anything unless the people impacted by the issue are able to own the victory.”
Zschokke said she believes that determination also is key in building a diverse coalition.
“I think it’s just persistence — you have to have that,” she said. “Target your organizing in these communities. Don’t try to organize people you only feel comfortable organizing. You just can’t have well-intentioned white folks at the table that don’t have as much connections to the issue.”
As organizations get more diverse, Carlson said it’s important to maintain support for organizers of color. She said NPA organizes an annual staff of color retreat that creates a space about what’s actually going on—so the early hard work is not pushed to the side. NPA’s executive director George Goehl said that a foundation has been set up in the organization to help do this.
“There’s a network-wide conversation around race on all of those fronts and then there’s a people-of-color cohorts within NPA that are places where people can get mutual support, or can identify what are racial barriers within NPA and then we can open up a bigger conversation around them,” he said.
No Turning Back
NPA is supporting their organizers of color by making it known they they will fully back organizers’ work. Terrell, who is black, said TakeAction MN’s leadership has been extremely encouraging for him and the other organizers of color. He said the leadership makes clear that “for the members who can’t come forth with us on this path for racial justice, they will have to sort it out themselves.”
While part of NPA’s goal is to get white people to understand the effects of structural racism on themselves and their communities, Chin said that has its limitations. He learned that “if you wait until you got all the white people in your organization trained as having perfect racial justice analysis and saying all the right words before you actually start doing something, you’ll never actually do anything.”
He added:
The only way to really do this is to actually go out in the world and pitch in and start making it clear to your members internally and your staff internally and communities of color at large that we’re an organization that really cares about the lives of people of color, we get that racial justice really matters, and we’re here to pitch in. We’re not necessarily here to lead fights, but we can leverage resources that can be useful and strategic. And we want to work equitably and collaboratively with each other to win some things.
Chin said in order to win big over the long-term, it’s important to take clear stances on issues. Last year, he said, Maine People’s Alliance took a firm pro-choice position.
“I see that as part of this whole process of really learning how to tackle issues that otherwise would have been divisive and hard,” he said.
Chin said the old logic of staying away from controversial topics was the belief that they would divide the base. But this logic has transformed.
“I think the reason why our political thinking has changed over time is because you wake up 30 years later and you realize the very issues that were divisive—that they were actually a deliberate strategy of the Right,” he said. “And ignoring that strategy was not a good way to combat it because we were basically conceding to the Right, accepting those divisions and couldn’t build power as a result of it. Nor could we really organize around some of the fundamental things that were driving the economy.”

From: Harper’s, March, 2014, pgs. 28-36.
Nothing Left
The long, slow surrender of American liberals
By Adolph Reed Jr.
For nearly all the twentieth century there was a dynamic left in the United States grounded in the belief that unrestrained capitalism generated unacceptable social costs. That left crested in influence between 1935 and 1945, when it anchored a coalition centered in the labor movement, most significantly within the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). It was a prominent voice in the Democratic Party of the era, and at the federal level its high point may have come in 1944, when FDR propounded what he called "a second Bill of Rights." Among these rights, Roosevelt proclaimed, were the right to a "useful and remunerative job," "adequate medical care," and "adequate protection from the economic fears of old age, sickness, accident, and unemployment."
The labor-left alliance remained a meaningful presence in American politics through the 1960s. What have become known as the social movements of the Sixties — civil rights activism, protests against the Vietnam War, and a renewed women’s movement — were vitally linked to that egalitarian left. Those movements drew institutional resources, including organizing talents and committed activists, from that older left and built on both the legislative and the ideological victories it had won. But during the 1980s and early 1990s, fears of a relentless Republican juggernaut pressured those left of center to take a defensive stance, focusing on the immediate goal of electing Democrats to stem or slow the rightward tide. At the same time, business interests, in concert with the Republican right and supported by an emerging wing of neoliberal Democrats, set out to roll back as many as possible of the social protections and regulations the left had won. As this defensiveness overtook leftist interest groups, institutions, and opinion leaders, it increasingly came to define left-wing journalistic commentary and criticism. New editorial voices — for example, The American Prospect — emerged to articulate the views of an intellectual left that defined itself as liberal rather than radical. To be sure, this shift was not absolute. Such publications as New Labor Forum, New Politics, Science & Society, Monthly Review, and others maintained an oppositional stance, and the Great Recession has encouraged new outlets such as Jacobin and Endnotes. But the American left moved increasingly toward the middle.
Today, the labor movement has been largely subdued, and social activists have made their peace with neoliberalism and adjusted their horizons accordingly. Within the women’s movement, goals have shifted from practical objectives such as comparable worth and universal child care in the 1980s to celebrating appointments of individual women to public office and challenging the corporate glass ceiling. Dominant figures in the antiwar movement have long since accepted the framework of American military interventionism. The movement for racial justice has shifted its focus from inequality to "disparity," while neatly evading any critique of the structures that produce inequality.
The sources of this narrowing of social vision are complex. But its most conspicuous expression is subordination to the agenda of a Democratic Party whose center has moved steadily rightward since Ronald Reagan’s presidency. Although it is typically defended in a language of political practicality and sophistication, this shift requires, as the historian Russell Jacoby notes, giving up "a belief that the future could fundamentally surpass the present," which traditionally has been an essential foundation of leftist thought and practice. "Instead of championing a radical idea of a new society," Jacoby observes in The End of Utopia, "the left ineluctably retreats to smaller ideas, seeking to expand the options within the existing society."
Illustrations by Tim Bower
The atrophy of political imagination shows up in approaches to strategy as well. In the absence of goals that require long-term organizing — e.g., single-payer health care, universally free public higher education and public transportation, federal guarantees of housing and income security — the election cycle has come to exhaust the time horizon of political action. Objectives that cannot be met within one or two election cycles seem fanciful, as do any that do not comport with the Democratic agenda. Even those who consider themselves to the Democrats’ left are infected with electoralitis. Each election now becomes a moment of life-or-death urgency that precludes dissent or even reflection. For liberals, there is only one option in an election year, and that is to elect, at whatever cost, whichever Democrat is running. This modus operandi has tethered what remains of the left to a Democratic Party that has long since renounced its commitment to any sort of redistributive vision and imposes a willed amnesia on political debate. True, the last Democrat was really unsatisfying, but this one is better; true, the last Republican didn’t bring destruction on the universe, but this one certainly will. And, of course, each of the "pivotal" Supreme Court justices is four years older than he or she was the last time.
Why does this tailing behind an increasingly right-of-center Democratic Party persist in the absence of any apparent payoff? There has nearly always been a qualifying excuse: Republicans control the White House; they control Congress; they’re strong enough to block progressive initiatives even if they don’t control either the executive or the legislative branch. Thus have the faithful been able to take comfort in the circular self-evidence of their conviction. Each undesirable act by a Republican administration is eo ipso evidence that if the Democratic candidate had won, things would have been much better. When Democrats have been in office, the imagined omnipresent threat from the Republican bugbear remains a fatal constraint on action and a pretext for suppressing criticism from the left.
Exaggerating the differences between Democratic and Republican candidates, moreover, encourages the retrospective sanitizing of previous Democratic candidates and administrations. If only Al Gore had been inaugurated after the 2000 election, the story goes, we might well not have had the September 11 attacks and certainly would not have had the Iraq War — as if it were unimaginable that the Republican reaction to the attacks could have goaded him into precisely such an act. And considering his bellicose stand on Iraq during the 2000 campaign, he well might not have needed goading.
The stale proclamations of urgency are piled on top of the standard jeremiads about the Supreme Court and Roe v. Wade. The "filibuster- proof Senate majority" was the gimmick that spruced up the 2008 election cycle, conveniently suggesting strategic preparation for large policy initiatives while deferring discussion of what precisely those initiatives might be. It was an ideal diversion that gave wonks, would-be wonks, and people who just watch too much cable-television news something to chatter about and a rhetorical basis for feeling "informed." It was, however, built on the bogus premise that Democrat = liberal.
Most telling, though, is the reinvention of the Clinton Administration as a halcyon time of progressive success. Bill Clinton’s record demonstrates, if anything, the extent of Reaganism’s victory in defining the terms of political debate and the limits of political practice. A recap of some of his administration’s greatest hits should suffice to break through the social amnesia. Clinton ran partly on a pledge of "ending welfare as we know it"; in office he both presided over the termination of the federal government’s sixty-year commitment to provide income support for the poor and effectively ended direct federal provision of low-income housing. In both cases his approach was to transfer federal subsidies — when not simply eliminating them — from impoverished people to employers of low-wage labor, real estate developers, and landlords. He signed into law repressive crime bills that increased the number of federal capital offenses, flooded the prisons, and upheld unjustified and racially discriminatory sentencing disparities for crack and powder cocaine. He pushed NAFTA through over strenuous objections from labor and many congressional Democrats. He temporized on his campaign pledge to pursue labor-law reform that would tilt the playing field back toward workers, until the Republican takeover of Congress in 1995 gave him an excuse not to pursue it at all. He undertook the privatization of Sallie Mae, the Student Loan Marketing Association, thereby fueling the student-debt crisis.
Notwithstanding his administration’s Orwellian folderol about "reinventing government," his commitment to deficit reduction led to, among other things, extending privatization of the federal meat- inspection program, which shifted responsibility to the meat industry — a reinvention that must have pleased his former Arkansas patron, Tyson Foods, and arguably has left its legacy in the sporadic outbreaks and recalls that suggest deeper, endemic problems of food safety in the United States. His approach to health-care reform, like Barack Obama’s, was built around placating the insurance and pharmaceutical industries, and its failure only intensified the blitzkrieg of for-profit medicine.
In foreign policy, he was no less inclined than Reagan or George H. W. Bush to engage in military interventionism. Indeed, counting his portion of the Somali operation, he conducted nearly as many discrete military interventions as his two predecessors combined, and in four fewer years. Moreover, the Clinton Administration initiated the "extraordinary rendition" policy, under which the United States claims the right to apprehend individuals without charges or public accounting so that they can be imprisoned anywhere in the world (and which the Obama Administration has explicitly refused to repudiate). Clinton also increased American use of "privatized military services" — that is, mercenaries.
The nostalgic mist that obscures this record is perfumed by evocations of the Clinton prosperity. Much of that era’s apparent prosperity, however, was hollow — the effects of first the tech bubble and then the housing bubble. His administration was implicated in both, not least by his signing the repeal of the 1933 Glass-Steagall Act, which had established a firewall between commercial and investment banking in response to the speculative excesses that sparked the Great Depression. And, as is the wont of bubbles, first one and then the other burst, ushering in the worst economic crisis since the depression that had led to the passage of Glass-Steagall in the first place. To be sure, the Clinton Administration was not solely or even principally responsible for those speculative bubbles and their collapse. The Republican administrations that preceded and succeeded him were equally inclined to do the bidding of the looters and sneak thieves of the financial sector. Nevertheless, Clinton and the Wall Street cronies who ran his fiscal and economic policy — Robert Rubin, Lawrence Summers, Alan Greenspan — are no less implicated than the Republicans in having brought about the economic crisis that has lingered since 2008.
It is difficult to imagine that a Republican administration could have been much more successful in advancing Reaganism’s agenda. Indeed, Clinton made his predilections clear from the outset. "We’re Eisenhower Republicans here," he declared, albeit exasperatedly, shortly after his 1992 victory. "We stand for lower deficits, free trade, and the bond market. Isn’t that great?"
Taking into account the left’s disappearance into Democratic neoliberalism helps explain how and why so many self-proclaimed leftists or progressives — individuals, institutions, organizations, and erstwhile avatars of leftist opinion such as The Nation — came to be swept up in the extravagant rhetoric and expectations that have surrounded the campaign, election, and presidency of Barack Obama.
Obama and his campaign did not dupe or simply co-opt unsuspecting radicals. On the contrary, Obama has been clear all along that he is not a leftist. Throughout his career he has studiously distanced himself from radical politics. In his books and speeches he has frequently drawn on stereotypical images of leftist dogmatism or folly. When not engaging in rhetorically pretentious, jingoist oratory about the superiority of American political and economic institutions, he has often chided the left in gratuitous asides that seem intended mainly to reassure conservative sensibilities of his judiciousness — rather as Booker T. Washington used black chicken-stealing stereotypes to establish his bona fides with segregationist audiences. This inclination to toss off casual references to the left’s "excesses" or socialism’s "failure" has been a defining element of Brand Obama and suggests that he is a new kind of pragmatic progressive who is likely to bridge — or rise above — left and right and appeal across ideological divisions. Assertions that Obama possesses this singular ability contributed to the view that he was electable and, once elected, capable of forging a new, visionary, postpartisan consensus.Illustration by Tim Bower
This feature of Brand Obama even suffused the enthusiasm of those who identify as leftists, many of whom at this point would like to roll up their past proclamations behind them. Here was a nominal progressive who actually could win the presidency, clearing the electoral hurdle that Jesse Jackson, Ralph Nader, and other protest candidates could not. Yet few acknowledged the extent to which Obama’s broad appeal hinged on his disavowals of left "excesses." What kind of "progressive" pursues a political strategy of distancing himself from the left by rehearsing hackneyed conservative stereotypes? Even granting the never-quite-demonstrated assertion that Obama is, in his heart of hearts, committed to a progressive agenda (a trope familiar from the Clinton Administration, we might recall), how would a coalition built on reassuring conservatives not seriously constrain his administration?
The generalities with which Obama laid out his vision made it easy to avoid such questions. His books are not substantive articulations of a social program but performances in which his biographical narrative and identity stands in for a vaguely transformational politics. Sometimes this projection has been not so subtle. In an interview with the journalist James Traub a year before the election, Obama averred: "I think that if you can tell people, ‘We have a president in the White House who still has a grandmother living in a hut on the shores of Lake Victoria and has a sister who’s half Indonesian, married to a Chinese-Canadian,’ then they’re going to think that he may have a better sense of what’s going on in our lives and in our country. And they’d be right."
Unsurprisingly, therefore, there is little with which to disagree in those books. They meant to produce precisely that effect. Matt Taibbi characterized Obama’s political persona in early 2007 as
an ingeniously crafted human cipher, a man without race, ideology, geographic allegiances, or, indeed, sharp edges of any kind. You can’t run against him on issues because you can’t even find him on the ideological spectrum. Obama’s "Man for all seasons" act is so perfect in its particulars that just about anyone can find a bit of himself somewhere in the candidate’s background, whether in his genes or his upbringing…. [H]is strategy seems to be to appear as a sort of ideological Universalist, one who spends a great deal of rhetorical energy showing that he recognizes the validity of all points of view, and conversely emphasizes that when he does take hard positions on issues, he often does so reluctantly.
Taibbi described Obama’s political vision as "an amalgam of Kennedy, Reagan, Clinton and the New Deal; he is aiming for the middle of the middle of the middle." Taibbi is by no means alone in this view; others have been more sharply critical in drawing out its implications, even during the heady moment of the 2008 campaign.Illustration by Tim Bower
Nearer the liberal mainstream, Paul Krugman repeatedly demonstrated that many of candidate Obama’s positions and political inclinations were not only inconsistent with the hyperbolic rhetoric that surrounded the campaign but were moreover not even especially liberal. When in a June 2008 issue of The Nation Naomi Klein expressed concern about Obama’s profession of love for the free market and his selection of very conventionally neoliberal economic advisers, Krugman responded rather waspishly, "Look, Obama didn’t pose as a Nation-type progressive, then turn on his allies after the race was won. Throughout the campaign he was slightly less progressive than Hillary Clinton on domestic issues — and more than slightly on health care. If people like Ms. Klein are shocked, shocked that he isn’t the candidate of their fantasies, they have nobody but themselves to blame." As early as 2006, Ken Silverstein noted in these pages that the rising star’s extensive corporate and financial-sector connections suggested that his progressive supporters should rein in their hopes. Larissa MacFarquhar, in a 2007 New Yorker profile, also gave reason for restraint to those projecting "transformative" expectations onto Obama. "In his view of history," she reports, "in his respect for tradition, in his skepticism that the world can be changed any way but very, very slowly, Obama is deeply conservative…. Asked whether he has changed his mind about anything in the past twenty years, he says ‘I’m probably more humble now about the speed with which government programs can solve every problem.’ "
These and other critics, skeptics, and voices of caution were largely drowned out in the din of the faithful’s righteous fervor. Some in the flock who purported to represent the campaign’s left flank, such as the former SDS stalwart Carl Davidson and the professional white antiracist Tim Wise, denounced Obama’s critics as out-of-touch, pie- in-the-sky radicals who were missing the train of history because they preferred instead to wallow in marginalization. This response is a generic mantra of political opportunists. Some who called for climbing on the bandwagon insisted that Obama was a secret progressive who would reveal his true politics once elected. Others relied on the familiar claim that actively supporting the campaign — as distinct from choosing to vote for him as yet another lesser evil — would put progressives in a position to exert leftward pressure on his administration.
Again and again, perfectly sentient adults cited the clinching arguments made on the candidate’s behalf by their children. We were urged to marvel at and take our cues from the already indulged upper- middle-class Children of the Corn and their faddish, utterly uninformed exuberance. And it was easy to understand why so many of them found Obama to be absolutely new under the sun. To them he was. A twenty-five-year-old on November 4, 2008, was a nine-year-old when Bill Clinton was first elected, ten when he pushed NAFTA through Congress, thirteen when he signed welfare "reform," and sixteen when he signed the Financial Services Modernization Act of 1999, which repealed Glass-Steagall.
Obama’s miraculous ability to inspire and engage the young replaced specific content in his patter of Hope and Change. In the same way that he and his supporters presented his life story as the embodiment of a politics otherwise not clearly defined, the projection of inspired youth substituted a narrative of identity — and a vague and ephemeral one at that — for argument. Those in Obama’s thrall viewed his politics as qualitatively different from Bill Clinton’s, even though the political niche Obama had crafted for himself only deepened Clintonism. Of course, perception of Obama’s difference from the Clintons and other Democratic contenders past and present was bound up in his becoming the first black president, the symbolic significance of which far outweighed the candidate’s actual politics. Thus, for instance, the philosopher Slavoj Aižek, usually not a faddish enthusiast, proclaimed just after the 2008 presidential election that
Obama’s victory is not just another shift in the eternal parliamentary struggle for a majority, with all the pragmatic calculations and manipulations that involves. It is a sign of something more…. Whatever our doubts, for that moment [of his election] each of us was free and participating in the universal freedom of humanity…. Obama’s victory is a sign of history in the triple Kantian sense of signum rememorativum, demonstrativum, prognosticum. A sign in which the memory of the long past of slavery and the struggle for its abolition reverberates; an event which now demonstrates a change; a hope for future achievements.
Nevertheless, Obama could not have sold his signature "bipartisan" transcendence so successfully to those who identify as leftists if Clinton had not already moved the boundaries of liberalism far enough rightward. Obama’s posture of judiciousness depends partly on the ritual validation of bromides about "big government," which he typically evokes through resonant phrases rather than through affirmative argument that might ring too dissonantly with his leftist constituents. He can finesse the tension with allusions because Clinton, in his supposed "New Covenant" from a "New Democrat," had already severed the link between Democratic liberalism and vigorous, principled commitment to the public sector.
* In a 2008 speech to a mostly African-American audience in the city of Beaumont, Texas, Obama scolded his listeners about feeding junk food to children: "Y’all have Popeyes out in Beaumont? I know some of y’all you got that cold Popeyes out for breakfast. I know. That’s why y’all laughing…. You can’t do that. Children have to have proper nutrition. That affects also how they study, how they learn in school."
Obama also relies on nasty, victim-blaming stereotypes about black poor people to convey tough-minded honesty about race and poverty. Clinton’s division of the poor into those who "play by the rules" and those who presumably do not, his recasting of the destruction of publicly provided low-income housing and the forced displacement of poor people as "Moving to Opportunity" and "HOPE," and most of all his debacle of "welfare reform" already had helped liberal Democrats to view behavior modification of a defective population as the fundamental objective of antipoverty policy. Indeed, even ersatz leftists such as Glenn Greenwald, then of Salon.com, and The Nation’s Katrina vanden Heuvel defended and rationalized Obama’s willingness to disparage black poor people. Greenwald applauded the candidate for making what he somehow imagined to be the "unorthodox" and "not politically safe" move of showing himself courageous enough to beat up on this politically powerless group. For her part, vanden Heuvel rationalized such moves as his odious "Popeyes chicken" speech as reflective of a "generational division" among black Americans, with Obama representing a younger generation that values "personal responsibility."* Perhaps, but it’s noteworthy that Obama didn’t give the Popeyes speech to groups of investment bankers.
Obama’s reflexive disposition to cater first to his right generally has been taken in stride as political necessity or even applauded as sagacious pragmatism. Defenses of Obama’s endorsements of the likes of John Barrow, a conservative Democrat from Georgia, and the Republican turncoat senator Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania over more liberal Democrats rest on the assumption that Democrats can win only by operating within a framework of political debate set by the right and attempting to produce electoral majorities by triangulating constituencies. At least since Bill Clinton’s 1992 campaign, "serious" Democratic candidates have insisted that, because appealing to the right’s agenda is necessary to win, the responsible left must forgo demands for specific policies or programs as quid pro quo for their support. As its reaction to left criticism of his approach to health- care reform illustrated, the Obama Administration defines as "responsible" those who support it without criticism; those who do not are by definition the "far left" and therefore dismissible. To complete the dizzying ideological orbit, this limitation has been sold as evidence of the importance of subordinating all other concrete political objectives to the project of electing more Democrats, on the premise that the more of them we elect, the greater the likelihood that a majority will be amenable to embracing a leftist program.
Anticipation of jobs and "access" — the crack cocaine (or, more realistically, powder cocaine) of the interest-group world — helps to make this scam more alluring, especially among those who have nurtured their aspirations in elite universities or the policy-wonk left or both. Such aspirants can be among the most adamant in denouncing leftist criticism of the Democrat of the moment as irresponsible and politically immature.
But if the left is tied to a Democratic strategy that, at least since the Clinton Administration, tries to win elections by absorbing much of the right’s social vision and agenda, before long the notion of a political left will have no meaning. For all intents and purposes, that is what has occurred. If the right sets the terms of debate for the Democrats, and the Democrats set the terms of debate for the left, then what can it mean to be on the political left? The terms "left" and "progressive" — and in practical usage the latter is only a milquetoast version of the former — now signify a cultural sensibility rather than a reasoned critique of the existing social order. Because only the right proceeds from a clear, practical utopian vision, "left" has come to mean little more than "not right."
The left has no particular place it wants to go. And, to rehash an old quip, if you have no destination, any direction can seem as good as any other. The left careens from this oppressed group or crisis moment to that one, from one magical or morally pristine constituency or source of political agency (youth/students; undocumented immigrants; the Iraqi labor movement; the Zapatistas; the urban "precariat"; green whatever; the black/Latino/LGBT "community"; the grassroots, the netroots, and the blogosphere; this season’s worthless Democrat; Occupy; a "Trotskyist" software engineer elected to the Seattle City Council) to another. It lacks focus and stability; its metier is bearing witness, demonstrating solidarity, and the event or the gesture. Its reflex is to "send messages" to those in power, to make statements, and to stand with or for the oppressed.
This dilettantish politics is partly the heritage of a generation of defeat and marginalization, of decades without any possibility of challenging power or influencing policy. So the left operates with no learning curve and is therefore always vulnerable to the new enthusiasm. It long ago lost the ability to move forward under its own steam. Far from being avant-garde, the self-styled left in the United States seems content to draw its inspiration, hopefulness, and confidence from outside its own ranks, and lives only on the outer fringes of American politics, as congeries of individuals in the interstices of more mainstream institutions.
With the two parties converging in policy, the areas of fundamental disagreement that separate them become too arcane and too remote from most people’s experience to inspire any commitment, much less popular action. Strategies and allegiances become mercurial and opportunistic, and politics becomes ever more candidate-centered and driven by worshipful exuberance about individuals or, more accurately, the idealized and evanescent personae — the political holograms — their packagers project.
As the "human cipher" Taibbi described, Obama is the pure product of this hollowed-out politics. He is a triumph of image and identity over content; indeed, he is the triumph of identity as content. Taibbi misreads how race figures into Brand Obama. Obama is not "without" race; he embodies it as an abstraction, a feel-good evocation severed from history and social relations. Race is what Obama projects in place of an ideology. His racial classification combines with a narrative of self-presentation, including his past as a "community organizer," to convey a sensation of a politics, much as advertising presents a product as the material expression of inchoate desire. This became the basis for a faith in his virtue that largely insulated him from sharp criticism from the left through the first five years of his presidency. Proclamation that Obama’s election was, in Aižek’s terms, a "sign in which the memory of the long past of slavery and the struggle for its abolition reverberates" was also a call to suspend critical judgment, to ascribe to the event a significance above whatever Obama stood for or would do.
In fact, Obama was able to win the presidency only because the changes his election supposedly signified had already taken place. His election, after all, did not depend on disqualifying large chunks of the white electorate. As things stand, his commitments to an imperialist foreign policy and Wall Street have only more tightly sealed the American left’s coffin by nailing it shut from the inside. Katrina vanden Heuvel pleads for the president to accept criticism from a "principled left" that has demonstrated its loyalty through unprincipled acquiescence to his administration’s initiatives; in a 2010 letter, the president of the AFL-CIO railed against the Deficit Commission as a front for attacking Social Security while tactfully not mentioning that Obama appointed the commission or ever linking him to any of the economic policies that labor continues to protest; and there is even less of an antiwar movement than there was under Bush, as Obama has expanded American aggression and slaughter into Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, and who knows where else.
Barack Obama has always been no more than an unexceptional neoliberal Democrat with an exceptional knack for self-presentation persuasive to those who want to believe, and with solid connections and considerable good will from the corporate and financial sectors. From his successful wooing of University of Chicago and Hyde Park liberals at the beginning of his political career, his appeal has always been about the persona he projects — the extent to which he encourages people to feel good about their politics, the political future, and themselves through feeling good about him — than about any concrete vision or political program he has advanced. And that persona has always been bound up in and continues to play off complex and contradictory representations of race in American politics.
Particularly among those who stress the primary force of racism in American life, Obama’s election called forth in the same breath competing impulses — exultation in the triumphal moment and a caveat that the triumph is not as definitive as it seems. Proponents of an antiracist politics almost ritualistically express anxiety that Obama’s presidency threatens to issue in premature proclamation of the transcendence of racial inequality, injustice, or conflict. It is and will be possible to find as many expressions of that view as one might wish, just as lunatic and more or less openly racist "birther" and Tea Party tendencies have become part of the political landscape. An equal longer-term danger, however, is the likelihood that we will find ourselves with no critical politics other than a desiccated leftism capable only of counting, parsing, hand-wringing, administering, and making up "Just So" stories about dispossession and exploitation recast in the evocative but politically sterile language of disparity and diversity. This is neoliberalism’s version of a left. Radicalism now means only a very strong commitment to antidiscrimination, a point from which Democratic liberalism has not retreated. Rather, it’s the path Democrats have taken in retreating from a commitment to economic justice.
Confusion and critical paralysis prompted by the racial imagery of Obama’s election prevented even sophisticated intellectuals like Aižek from concluding that Obama was only another Clintonite Democrat — no more, no less. It is how Obama could be sold, even within the left, as a hybrid of Martin Luther King Jr. and Neo from The Matrix. The triumph of identity politics, condensed around the banal image of the civil rights insurgency and its legacy as a unitary "black liberation movement," is what has enabled Obama successfully to present himself as the literal embodiment of an otherwise vaporous progressive politics. In this sense his election is most fundamentally an expression of the limits of the left in the United States — its decline, demoralization, and collapse.
The crucial tasks for a committed left in the United States now are to admit that no politically effective force exists and to begin trying to create one. This is a long-term effort, and one that requires grounding in a vibrant labor movement. Labor may be weak or in decline, but that means aiding in its rebuilding is the most serious task for the American left. Pretending some other option exists is worse than useless. There are no magical interventions, shortcuts, or technical fixes. We need to reject the fantasy that some spark will ignite the People to move as a mass. We must create a constituency for a left program — and that cannot occur via MSNBC or blog posts or the New York Times. It requires painstaking organization and building relationships with people outside the Beltway and comfortable leftist groves. Finally, admitting our absolute impotence can be politically liberating; acknowledging that as a left we have no influence on who gets nominated or elected, or what they do in office, should reduce the frenzied self-delusion that rivets attention to the quadrennial, biennial, and now seemingly permanent horse races. It is long past time for us to begin again to approach leftist critique and strategy by determining what our social and governmental priorities should be and focusing our attention on building the kind of popular movement capable of realizing that vision. Obama and his top aides punctuated that fact by making brutally apparent during the 2008 campaign that no criticism from the left would have a place in this regime of Hope and Change. The message could not be clearer.